Sunday, September 27, 2026

Take the Common People Into Confidence — Let Them Walk With Bharat

 

Take the Common People Into Confidence — Let Them Walk With Bharat

The strength of a nation does not lie only in its institutions, administration or political leadership. The real strength of Bharat lies in its people—the farmers, workers, professionals, entrepreneurs, youth, women and every ordinary citizen who contributes to the nation.

Therefore, the need of the hour is not to keep the common people at a distance, but to take them into confidence.

Tell them the truth.
Answer their questions.
Listen to their concerns.
And, most importantly, take them along in building the future of Bharat.

Take the common people into confidence.
Ask them to walk with Bharat.

Walking with Bharat means more than a political slogan.

It means walking with the Constitution, the rule of law, national sovereignty, democratic institutions and the interests of the nation.

At the same time, the country must remain vigilant against any illegal foreign interference or unlawful external influence.

If any individual or organisation is found, on the basis of credible evidence and due investigation, to be involved in illegal foreign funding, unlawful external influence or activities prejudicial to India's sovereignty and security, the appropriate authorities must act firmly and strictly in accordance with law.

The supply line of any illegal funding or unlawful influence must be investigated and, where established, stopped through lawful means.

But there is an equally important principle:

**Suspicion is not proof.

Allegation is not conviction.
Political disagreement is not a crime.**

No citizen should be branded as an agent of a foreign power merely because of political differences, criticism or dissent.

If there is evidence, investigate.

If an offence is established, prosecute.

If guilt is proved in accordance with law, punish.

Punishment must come through the rule of law—not through political vengeance.

This is precisely what strengthens Bharat.

Our democracy becomes stronger when citizens have confidence that institutions will act firmly against genuine wrongdoing while protecting the innocent and respecting constitutional rights.

The common people are not merely spectators.

They are the ultimate participants in our democratic journey.

They observe.

They question.

They remember.

They evaluate.

And they ultimately exercise their constitutional choices.

Therefore, the State must build trust rather than fear.

Take the people into confidence.

Give them facts.

Make institutions accountable.

Protect national sovereignty.

Prevent illegal external interference.

And ensure that every proven offence is dealt with firmly, fairly and according to law.

Because—

No individual becomes stronger by weakening Bharat.
No society becomes safer by undermining the rule of law.
And no democracy becomes stronger by silencing legitimate questions.

Let us therefore walk together with Bharat—with confidence, constitutional values and a commitment to the rule of law.

Jai Hind. đŸ‡ŽđŸ‡ŗ

Ashok Kumar Singh
Advocate, High Court Calcutta

āϜāύāĻ—āĻŖāĻ•ে āφāϏ্āĻĨাāϝ় āύিāύ — āĻ­াāϰāϤāĻ•ে āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āύিāϝ়ে āĻāĻ—িāϝ়ে āϚāϞুāύ

 

āϜāύāĻ—āĻŖāĻ•ে āφāϏ্āĻĨাāϝ় āύিāύ — āĻ­াāϰāϤāĻ•ে āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āύিāϝ়ে āĻāĻ—িāϝ়ে āϚāϞুāύ

āĻĻেāĻļেāϰ āĻļāĻ•্āϤি āĻ•েāĻŦāϞ āϰাāώ্āϟ্āϰেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāώ্āĻ াāύ, āĻĒ্āϰāĻļাāϏāύ āĻŦা āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āύেāϤৃāϤ্āĻŦেāϰ āĻŽāϧ্āϝে āϏীāĻŽাāĻŦāĻĻ্āϧ āύāϝ়। āĻ­াāϰāϤেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāĻ•ৃāϤ āĻļāĻ•্āϤি āϤাāϰ āϏাāϧাāϰāĻŖ āĻŽাāύুāώ—āĻ•ৃāώāĻ•, āĻļ্āϰāĻŽিāĻ•, āĻŦ্āϝāĻŦāϏাāϝ়ী, āĻĒেāĻļাāϜীāĻŦী, āϝুāĻŦāϏāĻŽাāϜ, āύাāϰী āĻāĻŦং āĻĻেāĻļেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāϟি āϏāϚেāϤāύ āύাāĻ—āϰিāĻ•েāϰ āϏāĻŽ্āĻŽিāϞিāϤ āĻļāĻ•্āϤিāϰ āĻŽāϧ্āϝে āύিāĻšিāϤ।

āϤাāχ āφāϜāĻ•েāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāϝ়োāϜāύ āϏাāϧাāϰāĻŖ āĻŽাāύুāώāĻ•ে āĻĻূāϰে āϏāϰিāϝ়ে āϰাāĻ–া āύāϝ়; āĻŦāϰং āϤাঁāĻĻেāϰ āφāϏ্āĻĨাāϝ় āύেāĻ“āϝ়া।

āĻŽাāύুāώāĻ•ে āϏāϤ্āϝ āϜাāύাāϤে āĻšāĻŦে।
āĻŽাāύুāώেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāĻļ্āύেāϰ āωāϤ্āϤāϰ āĻĻিāϤে āĻšāĻŦে।
āĻŽাāύুāώেāϰ āωāĻĻ্āĻŦেāĻ—āĻ•ে āĻ—ুāϰুāϤ্āĻŦ āĻĻিāϤে āĻšāĻŦে।
āĻāĻŦং āĻĻেāĻļেāϰ āĻ­āĻŦিāώ্āĻ¯ā§Ž āύিāϝ়ে āϤাঁāĻĻেāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āύিāϝ়েāχ āĻāĻ—িāϝ়ে āϝেāϤে āĻšāĻŦে।

Take the commoners to confidence.
Ask them to walk with Bharat.

āĻ­াāϰāϤেāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āĻšাঁāϟা āĻŽাāύে āĻ•েāĻŦāϞ āĻāĻ•āϟি āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āϏ্āϞোāĻ—াāύ āύāϝ়।

āĻāϰ āĻ…āϰ্āĻĨ—
āĻĻেāĻļেāϰ āϏংāĻŦিāϧাāύেāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āĻšাঁāϟা,
āφāχāύেāϰ āĻļাāϏāύেāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āĻšাঁāϟা,
āϜাāϤীāϝ় āϏ্āĻŦাāϰ্āĻĨেāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āĻšাঁāϟা,
āĻāĻŦং āĻ­াāϰāϤেāϰ āϏাāϰ্āĻŦāĻ­ৌāĻŽāϤ্āĻŦ āĻ“ āĻ…āĻ–āĻŖ্āĻĄāϤাāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āĻšাঁāϟা।

āĻāĻ•āχ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āĻĻেāĻļেāϰ āύিāϰাāĻĒāϤ্āϤাāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāĻļ্āύে āĻāĻ•āϟি āĻŦিāώāϝ় āĻ…āϤ্āϝāύ্āϤ āĻ—ুāϰুāϤ্āĻŦāĻĒূāϰ্āĻŖ—āĻŦিāĻĻেāĻļি āĻšāϏ্āϤāĻ•্āώেāĻĒ āĻ“ āĻ…āĻŦৈāϧ āĻĒ্āϰāĻ­াāĻŦেāϰ āĻŦিāϰুāĻĻ্āϧে āĻ•āĻ োāϰ āĻ…āĻŦāϏ্āĻĨাāύ।

āϝāĻĻি āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āĻŦ্āϝāĻ•্āϤি āĻŦা āϏংāĻ—āĻ āύ āĻŦিāĻĻেāĻļি āĻļāĻ•্āϤিāϰ āĻŦেāφāχāύি āĻĒ্āϰāĻ­াāĻŦ, āĻ…āϰ্āĻĨাāϝ়āύ āĻŦা āύিāϰ্āĻĻেāĻļāύাāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āϝুāĻ•্āϤ āĻĨাāĻ•ে, āϤাāĻšāϞে āϤাāϰ āĻŦিāϰুāĻĻ্āϧে āĻ…āĻŦāĻļ্āϝāχ āύিāϰāĻĒেāĻ•্āώ āϤāĻĻāύ্āϤ, āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖāĻ­িāϤ্āϤিāĻ• āφāχāύি āĻŦ্āϝāĻŦāϏ্āĻĨা āĻāĻŦং āϏংāĻŦিāϧাāύāϏāĻŽ্āĻŽāϤ āĻĒāĻĻāĻ•্āώেāĻĒ āĻ—্āϰāĻšāĻŖ āĻ•āϰা āωāϚিāϤ।

āĻ•েāĻŦāϞ āϏāύ্āĻĻেāĻšেāϰ āĻ­িāϤ্āϤিāϤে āĻ•াāωāĻ•ে “āĻŦিāĻĻেāĻļি āĻļāĻ•্āϤিāϰ āĻĒে-āϰোāϞে” āĻĨাāĻ•া āĻŦ্āϝāĻ•্āϤি āĻšিāϏেāĻŦে āϚিāĻš্āύিāϤ āĻ•āϰা āωāϚিāϤ āύāϝ়।

āĻ…āĻ­িāϝোāĻ— āύāϝ়—āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖ āϚাāχ।
āĻĒ্āϰāϚাāϰ āύāϝ়—āϤāĻĻāύ্āϤ āϚাāχ।
āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāĻšিংāϏা āύāϝ়—āφāχāύেāϰ āĻļাāϏāύ āϚাāχ।

āϝāĻĻি āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āĻŦেāφāχāύি āĻ…āϰ্āĻĨেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāĻŦাāĻš āĻŦা āĻŦিāĻĻেāĻļি āĻ…āϰ্āĻĨাāϝ়āύেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖ āĻĒাāĻ“āϝ়া āϝাāϝ়, āϤাāĻšāϞে āϏেāχ āĻ…āĻŦৈāϧ supply line āφāχāύāϏāĻŽ্āĻŽāϤāĻ­াāĻŦে āĻŦāύ্āϧ āĻ•āϰāϤে āĻšāĻŦে। āĻ…āϰ্āĻĨেāϰ āĻ‰ā§ŽāϏ, āϞেāύāĻĻেāύেāϰ āĻĒāĻĨ āĻāĻŦং āϏংāĻļ্āϞিāώ্āϟ āĻŦ্āϝāĻ•্āϤিāĻĻেāϰ āĻ­ূāĻŽিāĻ•া āϤāĻĻāύ্āϤেāϰ āĻŽাāϧ্āϝāĻŽে āĻĒ্āϰāĻ•াāĻļ্āϝে āφāύāϤে āĻšāĻŦে।

āφāϰ āϝāĻĻি āĻ…āĻĒāϰাāϧ āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖিāϤ āĻšāϝ়, āϤাāĻšāϞে—

**āĻļাāϏ্āϤি āĻšāĻŦে āφāχāύেāϰ āĻŽাāϧ্āϝāĻŽে,

āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāĻšিংāϏাāϰ āĻŽাāϧ্āϝāĻŽে āύāϝ়।**

āĻ­াāϰāϤেāϰ āĻ—āĻŖāϤāύ্āϤ্āϰেāϰ āĻļāĻ•্āϤি āĻāĻ–াāύেāχ—āĻ•েāω āφāχāύেāϰ āϊāϰ্āϧ্āĻŦে āύāϝ়, āφāĻŦাāϰ āĻ•েāĻŦāϞ āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻŽāϤāĻĒাāϰ্āĻĨāĻ•্āϝেāϰ āĻ•াāϰāĻŖে āĻ•াāωāĻ•ে āĻ…āĻĒāϰাāϧীāĻ“ āĻŦাāύাāύো āϝাāϝ় āύা।

āφāϜ āϏাāϧাāϰāĻŖ āĻŽাāύুāώ āĻ…āύেāĻ• āĻŦেāĻļি āϏāϚেāϤāύ।

āϤাāϰা āĻĒ্āϰāĻļ্āύ āĻ•āϰāϤে āϜাāύে।

āϤাāϰা āϤāĻĨ্āϝ āϝাāϚাāχ āĻ•āϰāϤে āϜাāύে।

āϤাāϰা āĻŦুāĻāϤে āϚাāϝ়—āĻ•ে āϏāϤ্āϝিāχ āĻĻেāĻļেāϰ āϏ্āĻŦাāϰ্āĻĨে āĻ•াāϜ āĻ•āϰāĻ›ে āĻāĻŦং āĻ•ে āĻŦ্āϝāĻ•্āϤিāĻ—āϤ, āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻŦা āĻŦিāĻĻেāĻļি āϏ্āĻŦাāϰ্āĻĨāĻ•ে āĻ…āĻ—্āϰাāϧিāĻ•াāϰ āĻĻিāϚ্āĻ›ে।

āϤাāχ āϰাāώ্āϟ্āϰেāϰ āĻ•āϰ্āϤāĻŦ্āϝ āĻšāϞো āϜāύāĻ—āĻŖেāϰ āωāĻĒāϰ āĻ…āĻŦিāĻļ্āĻŦাāϏ āύা āĻ•āϰে āϜāύāĻ—āĻŖেāϰ āφāϏ্āĻĨা āĻ…āϰ্āϜāύ āĻ•āϰা।

āĻŽাāύুāώāĻ•ে āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āύিāύ।

āĻŽাāύুāώāĻ•ে āϏāϤ্āϝ āĻŦāϞুāύ।

āĻŽাāύুāώāĻ•ে āϏিāĻĻ্āϧাāύ্āϤেāϰ āĻ…ংāĻļীāĻĻাāϰ āĻ•āϰুāύ।

āφāϰ āĻĻেāĻļেāϰ āĻŦিāϰুāĻĻ্āϧে āϝে āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖিāϤ āĻŦেāφāχāύি āĻ•াāϰ্āϝāĻ•āϞাāĻĒেāϰ āĻŦিāϰুāĻĻ্āϧে āĻ•āĻ োāϰ āĻ•িāύ্āϤু āϏāĻŽ্āĻĒূāϰ্āĻŖ āϏাংāĻŦিāϧাāύিāĻ• āĻŦ্āϝāĻŦāϏ্āĻĨা āĻ—্āϰāĻšāĻŖ āĻ•āϰুāύ।

āĻ•াāϰāĻŖ—

āĻ­াāϰāϤāĻ•ে āĻĻুāϰ্āĻŦāϞ āĻ•āϰে āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āĻŦ্āϝāĻ•্āϤি āĻļāĻ•্āϤিāĻļাāϞী āĻšāϤে āĻĒাāϰে āύা।
āĻ­াāϰāϤāĻ•ে āĻŦিāĻ­āĻ•্āϤ āĻ•āϰে āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āϏāĻŽাāϜ āύিāϰাāĻĒāĻĻ āĻšāϤে āĻĒাāϰে āύা।
āφāϰ āφāχāύেāϰ āĻļাāϏāύāĻ•ে āĻĻুāϰ্āĻŦāϞ āĻ•āϰে āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āĻ—āĻŖāϤāύ্āϤ্āϰ āĻĻীāϰ্āϘāĻĻিāύ āĻļāĻ•্āϤিāĻļাāϞী āĻĨাāĻ•āϤে āĻĒাāϰে āύা।

āφāϏুāύ, āφāĻŽāϰা āϏāĻŦাāχ āĻ­াāϰāϤāĻ•ে āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āύিāϝ়ে āĻāĻ—িāϝ়ে āϚāϞি।

āϜāύāĻ—āĻŖেāϰ āφāϏ্āĻĨা āĻ…āϰ্āϜāύ āĻ•āϰি।
āφāχāύেāϰ āĻļাāϏāύāĻ•ে āĻļāĻ•্āϤিāĻļাāϞী āĻ•āϰি।
āĻĻেāĻļেāϰ āϏাāϰ্āĻŦāĻ­ৌāĻŽāϤ্āĻŦ āϰāĻ•্āώা āĻ•āϰি।
āĻāĻŦং āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖিāϤ āĻ…āĻĒāϰাāϧেāϰ āĻŦিāϰুāĻĻ্āϧে āφāχāύেāϰ āĻ•āĻ োāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāϝ়োāĻ— āύিāĻļ্āϚিāϤ āĻ•āϰি।

āϜāϝ় āĻšিāύ্āĻĻ। đŸ‡ŽđŸ‡ŗ

āĻ…āĻļোāĻ• āĻ•ুāĻŽাāϰ āϏিংāĻš
āĻ…্āϝাāĻĄāĻ­োāĻ•েāϟ, āĻšাāχ āĻ•োāϰ্āϟ āĻ•āϞāĻ•াāϤা

āϝāĻ–āύ āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻļোāϰāĻ—োāϞেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāĻ­াāĻŦ āĻĢিāĻ•ে āĻšāϝ়ে āφāϏে

 

āϝāĻ–āύ āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻļোāϰāĻ—োāϞেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāĻ­াāĻŦ āĻĢিāĻ•ে āĻšāϝ়ে āφāϏে

āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻĒāϰিāĻŦেāĻļে āĻšāϝ়āϤো āϧীāϰে āϧীāϰে āĻ•িāĻ›ু āĻĒāϰিāĻŦāϰ্āϤāύেāϰ āφāĻ­াāϏ āĻĒাāĻ“āϝ়া āϝাāϚ্āĻ›ে।

āϝে “āĻšāϞ্āϞা āĻŦ্āϰিāĻ—েāĻĄ” āĻāϤāĻĻিāύ āĻ…āϤ্āϝāύ্āϤ āωāϚ্āϚāĻ•āĻŖ্āĻ ে āύিāϜেāĻĻেāϰ āĻŦāĻ•্āϤāĻŦ্āϝ, āĻ…āĻ­িāϝোāĻ— āĻ“ āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻĒ্āϰāϚাāϰ āϏাāĻŽāύে āύিāϝ়ে āφāϏāĻ›িāϞ, āϤাāĻĻেāϰ āĻŽুāĻ–ে āĻāĻ–āύ āϝেāύ āĻ•িāĻ›ুāϟা āωāĻĻ্āĻŦেāĻ— āĻ“ āĻšāϤাāĻļাāϰ āĻ›াāĻĒ āĻĻেāĻ–া āϝাāϚ্āĻ›ে।

āĻŽুāĻ–েāϰ āĻ…āĻ­িāĻŦ্āϝāĻ•্āϤিāϤে āĻ•্āϞাāύ্āϤি,
āĻŦāĻĄি āϞ্āϝাāĻ™্āĻ—ুāϝ়েāϜে āφāϤ্āĻŽāĻŦিāĻļ্āĻŦাāϏেāϰ āϘাāϟāϤি,
āφāϰ āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻļোāϰāĻ—োāϞে āφāĻ—েāϰ āϏেāχ āϤেāϜ āϝেāύ āĻ…āύেāĻ•āϟাāχ āĻŽ্āϞাāύ।

āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āĻŦāĻ•্āϤāĻŦ্āϝ āĻŦাāϰāĻŦাāϰ āωāϚ্āϚাāϰāĻŖ āĻ•āϰāϞেāχ āϤা āϏāϤ্āϝ āĻšāϝ়ে āϝাāϝ় āύা। āĻļেāώ āĻĒāϰ্āϝāύ্āϤ āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāϟি āĻĻাāĻŦি, āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāϟি āĻ…āĻ­িāϝোāĻ— āĻāĻŦং āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāϟি āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āύ্āϝাāϰেāϟিāĻ­āĻ•ে āϤāĻĨ্āϝ, āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖ āĻāĻŦং āĻŦাāϏ্āϤāĻŦāϤাāϰ āĻĒāϰীāĻ•্āώাāϰ āĻŽুāĻ–োāĻŽুāĻ–ি āĻšāϤে āĻšāϝ়।

āϝāĻĻি āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻŦāĻ•্āϤāĻŦ্āϝ āĻ…āϤিāϰāĻž্āϜāύ, āĻŦিāĻ­্āϰাāύ্āϤি āĻ•িংāĻŦা āϤāĻĨ্āϝেāϰ āĻŦিāĻ•ৃāϤ āωāĻĒāϏ্āĻĨাāĻĒāύাāϰ āωāĻĒāϰ āĻĻাঁāĻĄ়িāϝ়ে āĻĨাāĻ•ে, āϤাāĻšāϞে āϏāĻŽāϝ়েāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āϤাāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāĻ•ৃāϤ āϏ্āĻŦāϰূāĻĒ āĻŽাāύুāώেāϰ āϏাāĻŽāύে āĻĒ্āϰāĻ•াāĻļ āĻĒাāĻ“āϝ়াāχ āϏ্āĻŦাāĻ­াāĻŦিāĻ•।

āϏāϤ্āϝেāϰ āĻļāĻ•্āϤি āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖে,
āφāϰ āĻŽিāĻĨ্āϝাāϰ āĻļāĻ•্āϤি āĻ…āύেāĻ• āϏāĻŽāϝ় āĻļুāϧুāχ āĻļোāϰāĻ—োāϞে।

āĻšāϝ়āϤো āϏেāχ āĻ•াāϰāĻŖেāχ āφāϜ āϏাāϧাāϰāĻŖ āĻŽাāύুāώ āĻāĻ•āϟু āύীāϰāĻŦে āĻĒāϰিāϏ্āĻĨিāϤি āĻĒāϰ্āϝāĻŦেāĻ•্āώāĻŖ āĻ•āϰāĻ›ে।

āϝে āĻ•āĻĨাāĻ—ুāϞি āĻ—āϤāĻ•াāϞ āĻ…āϤ্āϝāύ্āϤ āϜোāϰেāϰ āϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āĻŦāϞা āĻšāϚ্āĻ›িāϞ, āφāϜ āϏেāχ āĻ•āĻĨাāĻ—ুāϞিāχ āĻĒ্āϰāĻļ্āύেāϰ āĻŽুāĻ–োāĻŽুāĻ–ি āĻšāϚ্āĻ›ে।

āϝে āĻĻাāĻŦিāĻ—ুāϞিāĻ•ে āĻāĻ•āϏāĻŽāϝ় āϚূāĻĄ়াāύ্āϤ āϏāϤ্āϝ āĻšিāϏেāĻŦে āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāώ্āĻ া āĻ•āϰাāϰ āϚেāώ্āϟা āĻ•āϰা āĻšāϝ়েāĻ›িāϞ, āφāϜ āϏেāĻ—ুāϞিāχ āĻŦাāϏ্āϤāĻŦāϤা āĻ“ āϤāĻĨ্āϝেāϰ āφāϞোāϝ় āϝাāϚাāχ āĻ•āϰা āĻšāϚ্āĻ›ে।

āϰাāϜāύীāϤিāϤে āĻĒ্āϰāϚাāϰ āĻ—ুāϰুāϤ্āĻŦāĻĒূāϰ্āĻŖ āĻšāϤে āĻĒাāϰে, āĻ•িāύ্āϤু āĻļেāώ āĻĒāϰ্āϝāύ্āϤ āϜāύāĻ—āĻŖেāϰ āĻŦিāϚাāϰāĻŦোāϧāχ āϏāĻŦāϚেāϝ়ে āĻŦāĻĄ় āĻĒāϰীāĻ•্āώাāϰ āĻ•্āώেāϤ্āϰ।

āĻŽাāύুāώ āĻļুāϧু āĻļুāύāĻ›ে āύা।

āĻŽাāύুāώ āĻĻেāĻ–āĻ›ে।
āĻŽাāύুāώ āĻ­াāĻŦāĻ›ে।
āĻŽাāύুāώ āĻĒ্āϰāĻļ্āύ āĻ•āϰāĻ›ে।
āĻŽাāύুāώ āϤুāϞāύা āĻ•āϰāĻ›ে।
āĻāĻŦং āĻŽাāύুāώ āĻŽāύে āϰাāĻ–āĻ›ে।

āĻāχ āĻĒ্āϰāϏāĻ™্āĻ—ে āύিāωāϟāύেāϰ āϤৃāϤীāϝ় āϏূāϤ্āϰেāϰ āĻ•āĻĨাāϟি āϏ্āĻŽāϰāĻŖ āĻ•āϰা āϝেāϤে āĻĒাāϰে—

“āĻĒ্āϰāϤ্āϝেāĻ• āĻ•্āϰিāϝ়াāϰāχ āϏāĻŽাāύ āĻ“ āĻŦিāĻĒāϰীāϤāĻŽুāĻ–ী āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāĻ•্āϰিāϝ়া āϰāϝ়েāĻ›ে।”

āϰাāϜāύীāϤিāϰ āĻ•্āώেāϤ্āϰে āĻāϟিāĻ•ে āĻāĻ•āϟি āϰূāĻĒāĻ• āĻšিāϏেāĻŦেāĻ“ āĻĻেāĻ–া āϝাāϝ়।

āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāϟি āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻĒāĻĻāĻ•্āώেāĻĒেāϰ āĻāĻ•āϟি āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāĻ•্āϰিāϝ়া āĻĨাāĻ•ে।

āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāϟি āϏিāĻĻ্āϧাāύ্āϤেāϰ āĻāĻ•āϟি āĻĒāϰিāĻŖāϤি āĻĨাāĻ•ে।

āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāϟি āĻ…āĻ­িāϝোāĻ—েāϰ āĻāĻ•āϟি āωāϤ্āϤāϰ āφāϏে।

āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāϟি āĻĒ্āϰāϚাāϰেāϰ āĻŽুāĻ–োāĻŽুāĻ–ি āĻšāϝ় āĻŦাāϏ্āϤāĻŦāϤা।

āφāϰ āϜāύāĻ—āĻŖেāϰ āϏাāĻŽāύে āĻ•্āϰāĻŽাāĻ—āϤ āĻ•োāύāĻ“ āĻāĻ•āϟি āύ্āϝাāϰেāϟিāĻ­ āϤুāϞে āϧāϰāϞে, āĻļেāώ āĻĒāϰ্āϝāύ্āϤ āϤাāϰ āĻŽূāϞ্āϝাāϝ়āύ āĻšāϝ় āϜāύāĻŽāϤেāϰ āφāĻĻাāϞāϤে।

āϤাāχ āĻāĻ–āύ āĻšāϝ়āϤো āφāϰāĻ“ āĻŦেāĻļি āĻļোāϰāĻ—োāϞেāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāϝ়োāϜāύ āύেāχ।

āĻĒ্āϰāϝ়োāϜāύ āϤāĻĨ্āϝেāϰ।

āĻĒ্āϰāϝ়োāϜāύ āĻĒ্āϰāĻŽাāĻŖেāϰ।

āĻĒ্āϰāϝ়োāϜāύ āĻŦাāϏ্āϤāĻŦāϤাāϰ।

āĻ…āĻ­িāϝোāĻ— āĻ•āϰা āĻšāϝ়েāĻ›ে।

āĻĒ্āϰāϚাāϰ āĻ•āϰা āĻšāϝ়েāĻ›ে।

āĻĻাāĻŦি āĻ•āϰা āĻšāϝ়েāĻ›ে।

āĻāĻ–āύ āϏāĻŽāϝ় āĻāϏেāĻ›ে—

āϤāĻĨ্āϝāĻ•ে āĻ•āĻĨা āĻŦāϞāϤে āĻĻেāĻ“āϝ়াāϰ।

āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻļোāϰāĻ—োāϞ āĻ•িāĻ›ু āϏāĻŽāϝ়েāϰ āϜāύ্āϝ āĻŽাāύুāώেāϰ āĻĻৃāώ্āϟি āφāĻ•āϰ্āώāĻŖ āĻ•āϰāϤে āĻĒাāϰে; āĻ•িāύ্āϤু āĻĻীāϰ্āϘāĻŽেāϝ়াāĻĻে āϜāύāĻ—āĻŖেāϰ āϏ্āĻŽৃāϤি, āĻ…āĻ­িāϜ্āĻžāϤা āĻāĻŦং āĻŦিāϚাāϰāĻŦোāϧāχ āĻ—ুāϰুāϤ্āĻŦāĻĒূāϰ্āĻŖ āĻšāϝ়ে āĻ“āĻ ে।

āĻšāϝ়āϤো āϏেāχ āĻ•াāϰāĻŖেāχ āφāϜ āĻ•িāĻ›ু āĻŽুāĻ–ে āωāĻĻ্āĻŦেāĻ—েāϰ āĻ›াāĻĒ āĻāĻŦং āĻ•িāĻ›ু āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻŦāĻĄি āϞ্āϝাāĻ™্āĻ—ুāϝ়েāϜে āφāĻ—েāϰ āĻŽāϤো āĻĻৃāĻĸ়āϤা āĻĻেāĻ–া āϝাāϚ্āĻ›ে āύা।

āĻāĻ–āύ āĻŽাāύুāώ āĻ…āĻĒেāĻ•্āώা āĻ•āϰāĻ›ে—

āϝে āĻ•্āϰিāϝ়া āĻāϤāĻĻিāύ āϧāϰে āϚāϞেāĻ›ে, āϤাāϰ āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāĻ•্āϰিāϝ়া āĻ•ীāĻ­াāĻŦে āϏাāĻŽāύে āφāϏে।

āϏāĻŽāϝ়āχ āϤাāϰ āωāϤ্āϤāϰ āĻĻেāĻŦে।

āφāϰ āĻšāϝ়āϤো āϤāĻ–āύāχ āϰূāĻĒāĻ•েāϰ āĻ­াāώাāϝ় āĻŦāϞা āϝাāĻŦে—

āύিāωāϟāύেāϰ āϤৃāϤীāϝ় āϏূāϤ্āϰ āϤাāϰ āϰাāϜāύৈāϤিāĻ• āĻĒ্āϰāϤিāĻ•্āϰিāϝ়াāϰ āĻŦাāϏ্āϤāĻŦ āϰূāĻĒ āĻĻেāĻ–িāϝ়েāĻ›ে।

āϜāϝ় āĻšিāύ্āĻĻ। đŸ‡ŽđŸ‡ŗ

āĻ…āĻļোāĻ• āĻ•ুāĻŽাāϰ āϏিংāĻš
āĻ…্āϝাāĻĄāĻ­োāĻ•েāϟ, āĻšাāχ āĻ•োāϰ্āϟ āĻ•āϞāĻ•াāϤা

⤜ā¤Ŧ ā¤ļो⤰ ⤕ा ⤅⤏⤰ ā¤¸ā¤Žाā¤Ē्⤤ ā¤šो⤍े ⤞⤗े

 

⤜ā¤Ŧ ā¤ļो⤰ ⤕ा ⤅⤏⤰ ā¤¸ā¤Žाā¤Ē्⤤ ā¤šो⤍े ⤞⤗े

⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ā¤Žाā¤šौ⤞ ā¤Žें ā¤ļा⤝ā¤Ļ ⤕ु⤛ ā¤Ŧā¤Ļ⤞ाā¤ĩ ā¤Ļि⤖ा⤈ ā¤Ļे⤍े ⤞⤗ा ā¤šै।

⤜ि⤏े ⤕⤭ी ā¤Ŧā¤šु⤤ ⤊ँ⤚ी ⤆ā¤ĩा⤜़ ā¤Žें ⤅ā¤Ē⤍ी ā¤Ŧा⤤ ⤰⤖⤍े ā¤ĩा⤞ी “ā¤šā¤˛्⤞ा ā¤Ŧ्⤰ि⤗ेā¤Ą” ā¤•ā¤šा ⤜ा ⤏⤕⤤ा ā¤šै, ⤉⤍⤕े ⤚ेā¤šā¤°ों ā¤Ē⤰ ⤅ā¤Ŧ ⤚िं⤤ा ⤔⤰ ⤍ि⤰ाā¤ļा ⤕ी ā¤ā¤˛ā¤• ā¤Ļि⤖ा⤈ ā¤Ļे⤤ी ā¤šै। ⤜ो ⤆⤤्ā¤Žā¤ĩिā¤ļ्ā¤ĩा⤏ ā¤Ēā¤šā¤˛े ⤉⤍⤕े ā¤ĩ⤕्⤤ā¤ĩ्⤝ों ⤔⤰ ⤍ा⤰ों ā¤Žें ā¤Ļि⤖ा⤈ ā¤Ļे⤤ा ā¤Ĩा, ā¤ĩā¤š ⤅ā¤Ŧ ⤕ु⤛ ā¤šā¤Ļ ⤤⤕ ⤧ीā¤Žा ā¤Ēā¤Ą़⤤ा ā¤šु⤆ ā¤Ē्⤰⤤ी⤤ ā¤šो ā¤°ā¤šा ā¤šै।

⤚ेā¤šā¤°ों ā¤Ē⤰ ⤉ā¤Ļा⤏ी ā¤šै,
ā¤Ŧॉā¤Ąी ⤞ैं⤗्ā¤ĩे⤜ ā¤Žें ⤆⤤्ā¤Žā¤ĩिā¤ļ्ā¤ĩा⤏ ⤕ी ā¤•ā¤Žी ā¤Ļि⤖ा⤈ ā¤Ļे⤤ी ā¤šै,
⤔⤰ ⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ā¤ļो⤰ ⤕ा ā¤Ē्⤰⤭ाā¤ĩ ⤭ी ā¤Ēā¤šā¤˛े ⤜ै⤏ा ā¤Ļि⤖ा⤈ ā¤¨ā¤šीं ā¤Ļे⤤ा।

⤞⤗ा⤤ा⤰ ā¤Ļोā¤šā¤°ाā¤ ā¤—ā¤ ⤆⤰ोā¤Ē, ā¤Ļाā¤ĩे ⤔⤰ ⤕ā¤Ĩाā¤ँ ⤅ं⤤⤤ः ⤤ā¤Ĩ्⤝ों ⤔⤰ ā¤Ē्ā¤°ā¤Žा⤪ों ⤕ी ⤕⤏ौ⤟ी ā¤Ē⤰ ā¤šी ā¤Ē⤰⤖ी ⤜ा⤤ी ā¤šैं।

⤝ā¤Ļि ⤕ि⤏ी ⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ⤍ै⤰े⤟िā¤ĩ ā¤Žें ⤅⤤िā¤ļ⤝ो⤕्⤤ि, ⤭्ā¤°ā¤Ž ⤝ा ⤤ā¤Ĩ्⤝ों ⤕ी ⤗⤞⤤ ā¤Ē्⤰⤏्⤤ु⤤ि ā¤šो, ⤤ो ā¤¸ā¤Žā¤¯ ⤕े ⤏ाā¤Ĩ ⤉⤏⤕ी ā¤ĩा⤏्⤤ā¤ĩि⤕⤤ा ⤏ाā¤Žā¤¨े ⤆⤍ा ⤏्ā¤ĩा⤭ाā¤ĩि⤕ ā¤šै। ⤕ेā¤ĩ⤞ ⤕ि⤏ी ā¤Ŧा⤤ ⤕ो ā¤Ŧा⤰-ā¤Ŧा⤰ ā¤•ā¤š ā¤Ļे⤍े ⤏े ā¤ĩā¤š ⤏⤤्⤝ ā¤¨ā¤šीं ā¤Ŧ⤍ ⤜ा⤤ी।

⤏⤤्⤝ ⤕ो ā¤Ē्ā¤°ā¤Žा⤪ ⤕ी ⤆ā¤ĩā¤ļ्⤝⤕⤤ा ā¤šो⤤ी ā¤šै;
⤅⤏⤤्⤝ ⤕ो ⤕ेā¤ĩ⤞ ā¤ļो⤰ ⤕ी।

ā¤ļा⤝ā¤Ļ ā¤¯ā¤šी ⤕ा⤰⤪ ā¤šै ⤕ि ā¤†ā¤œ ⤅⤍े⤕ ⤞ो⤗ ā¤ļां⤤ ā¤šो⤕⤰ ā¤Ē⤰ि⤏्ā¤Ĩि⤤ि⤝ों ⤕ो ā¤Ļे⤖ ā¤°ā¤šे ā¤šैं।

⤜ो ā¤Ŧा⤤ें ⤕⤞ ⤤⤕ ā¤Ŧā¤šु⤤ ⤜ो⤰ ⤏े ā¤•ā¤šी ⤜ा ā¤°ā¤šी ā¤Ĩीं, ā¤†ā¤œ ⤉⤍्ā¤šीं ā¤Ŧा⤤ों ā¤Ē⤰ ā¤Ē्⤰ā¤ļ्⤍ ⤉⤠ ā¤°ā¤šे ā¤šैं।

⤜ो ā¤Ļाā¤ĩे ⤕⤭ी ⤅ं⤤िā¤Ž ⤏⤤्⤝ ⤕े ⤰ूā¤Ē ā¤Žें ā¤Ē्⤰⤏्⤤ु⤤ ⤕िā¤ ⤜ा ā¤°ā¤šे ā¤Ĩे, ⤅ā¤Ŧ ⤉⤍्ā¤šें ⤤ā¤Ĩ्⤝ों ⤔⤰ ā¤Ē⤰ि⤏्ā¤Ĩि⤤ि⤝ों ⤕े ⤏ाā¤Žā¤¨े ā¤Ē⤰⤖ा ⤜ा ā¤°ā¤šा ā¤šै।

⤔⤰ ⤜ā¤Ŧ ⤕ि⤏ी ⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ā¤Ē्⤰⤚ा⤰ ⤕ा ⤆⤧ा⤰ ā¤ĩा⤏्⤤ā¤ĩि⤕⤤ा ⤕ी ⤕⤏ौ⤟ी ā¤Ē⤰ ā¤•ā¤Žā¤œो⤰ ā¤Ēā¤Ą़⤤ा ā¤šै, ⤤ो ⤉⤏⤕ा ā¤Ē्⤰⤭ाā¤ĩ ⤭ी ⤏्ā¤ĩा⤭ाā¤ĩि⤕ ⤰ूā¤Ē ⤏े ā¤•ā¤Ž ā¤šो ⤏⤕⤤ा ā¤šै।

⤅ā¤Ŧ ⤜⤍⤤ा ⤕ेā¤ĩ⤞ ⤏ु⤍⤍ा ā¤¨ā¤šीं ⤚ाā¤šā¤¤ी।

⤜⤍⤤ा ā¤Ļे⤖ ā¤°ā¤šी ā¤šै।
⤜⤍⤤ा ā¤¸ā¤Žā¤ ā¤°ā¤šी ā¤šै।
⤜⤍⤤ा ā¤Ē्⤰ā¤ļ्⤍ ⤕⤰ ā¤°ā¤šी ā¤šै।
⤜⤍⤤ा ⤤ु⤞⤍ा ⤕⤰ ā¤°ā¤šी ā¤šै।

⤔⤰ ⤅ं⤤⤤ः ⤞ो⤕⤤ं⤤्⤰ ā¤Žें ⤏ā¤Ŧ⤏े ā¤Žā¤šā¤¤्ā¤ĩā¤Ēू⤰्⤪ ⤭ूā¤Žि⤕ा ⤜⤍⤤ा ⤕ी ā¤šी ā¤šो⤤ी ā¤šै।

⤇⤏ी ⤏ंā¤Ļ⤰्⤭ ā¤Žें ⤍्⤝ू⤟⤍ ⤕े ⤤ृ⤤ी⤝ ⤍िā¤¯ā¤Ž ⤕ा ⤏्ā¤Žā¤°ā¤Ŗ ā¤šो⤤ा ā¤šै—

“ā¤Ē्⤰⤤्⤝े⤕ ⤕्⤰ि⤝ा ⤕े ā¤Ŧ⤰ाā¤Ŧ⤰ ⤔⤰ ā¤ĩिā¤Ē⤰ी⤤ ā¤Ļिā¤ļा ā¤Žें ā¤Ē्⤰⤤ि⤕्⤰ि⤝ा ā¤šो⤤ी ā¤šै।”

⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ⤜ीā¤ĩ⤍ ā¤Žें ⤭ी ⤇⤏े ā¤ā¤• ⤰ूā¤Ē⤕ ⤕े ⤰ूā¤Ē ā¤Žें ā¤¸ā¤Žā¤ा ⤜ा ⤏⤕⤤ा ā¤šै।

ā¤šā¤° ⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ⤕ा⤰्⤰ā¤ĩा⤈ ⤕ी ⤕ो⤈ ⤍ ⤕ो⤈ ā¤Ē्⤰⤤ि⤕्⤰ि⤝ा ā¤šो⤤ी ā¤šै।

ā¤šā¤° ⤍ि⤰्⤪⤝ ⤕ा ⤕ो⤈ ⤍ ⤕ो⤈ ā¤Ē⤰ि⤪ाā¤Ž ā¤šो⤤ा ā¤šै।

ā¤šā¤° ⤆⤰ोā¤Ē ⤕ा ⤉⤤्⤤⤰ ⤆⤤ा ā¤šै।

ā¤šā¤° ā¤Ē्⤰⤚ा⤰ ⤕े ⤏ाā¤Žā¤¨े ⤤ā¤Ĩ्⤝ ⤅ā¤Ē⤍ी ā¤œā¤—ā¤š ā¤Ŧ⤍ा⤤े ā¤šैं।

⤔⤰ ⤜⤍⤤ा ⤕े ā¤Ŧी⤚ ⤞⤗ा⤤ा⤰ ⤚⤞ाā¤ ā¤—ā¤ ⤕ि⤏ी ⤭ी ⤍ै⤰े⤟िā¤ĩ ⤕ा ⤅ं⤤⤤ः ⤏ाā¤Žā¤¨ा ā¤œā¤¨ā¤Žā¤¤ ⤏े ā¤šो⤤ा ā¤šै।

⤇⤏⤞िā¤ ⤅ā¤Ŧ ā¤ļा⤝ā¤Ļ ⤆ā¤ĩā¤ļ्⤝⤕⤤ा ⤅⤧ि⤕ ā¤ļो⤰ ⤕ी ā¤¨ā¤šीं, ā¤Ŧ⤞्⤕ि ⤤ā¤Ĩ्⤝ों ⤕े ⤏ाā¤Žā¤¨े ⤆⤍े ⤕ी ā¤šै।

⤆⤰ोā¤Ē ⤞⤗ाā¤ ⤜ा ⤚ु⤕े ā¤šैं।

ā¤Ē्⤰⤚ा⤰ ā¤šो ⤚ु⤕ा ā¤šै।

ā¤Ļाā¤ĩे ⤕िā¤ ⤜ा ⤚ु⤕े ā¤šैं।

⤅ā¤Ŧ ā¤¸ā¤Žā¤¯ ā¤šै ⤕ि ⤤ā¤Ĩ्⤝ ⤏्ā¤ĩ⤝ं ā¤Ŧो⤞ें।

⤞ंā¤Ŧे ā¤¸ā¤Žā¤¯ ⤤⤕ ⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ā¤ļो⤰ ⤕ि⤝ा ⤜ा ⤏⤕⤤ा ā¤šै, ⤞े⤕ि⤍ ⤜⤍⤤ा ⤕ी ⤏्ā¤Žृ⤤ि ⤔⤰ ⤞ो⤕⤤ं⤤्⤰ ⤕ा ⤍ि⤰्⤪⤝ ⤕ेā¤ĩ⤞ ā¤ļो⤰ ā¤Ē⤰ ⤍ि⤰्⤭⤰ ā¤¨ā¤šीं ⤕⤰⤤ा।

ā¤ļा⤝ā¤Ļ ⤇⤏ी ⤕ा⤰⤪ ā¤†ā¤œ ⤕ु⤛ ⤚ेā¤šā¤°ों ā¤Ē⤰ ⤚िं⤤ा ā¤Ļि⤖ा⤈ ā¤Ļे ā¤°ā¤šी ā¤šै ⤔⤰ ⤕ु⤛ ⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ā¤ļ⤰ी⤰-⤭ा⤎ा ā¤Žें ā¤Ēā¤šā¤˛े ⤜ै⤏ी ā¤Ļृā¤ĸ़⤤ा ā¤Ļि⤖ा⤈ ā¤¨ā¤šीं ā¤Ļे⤤ी।

⤅ā¤Ŧ ⤞ो⤗ ā¤Ē्⤰⤤ी⤕्⤎ा ⤕⤰ ā¤°ā¤šे ā¤šैं—

⤕्⤝ा ā¤šो⤗ा ⤉⤏ ⤕्⤰ि⤝ा ⤕ा, ⤜ि⤏⤕ी ā¤Ē्⤰⤤ि⤕्⤰ि⤝ा ⤅ā¤Ŧ ⤏ाā¤Žā¤¨े ⤆⤍े ā¤ĩा⤞ी ā¤šै?

ā¤ļा⤝ā¤Ļ ⤅ā¤Ŧ ā¤¸ā¤Žā¤¯ ā¤šै ⤕ि ⤍्⤝ू⤟⤍ ⤕ा ⤤ृ⤤ी⤝ ⤍िā¤¯ā¤Ž ⤅ā¤Ē⤍ा ⤰ा⤜⤍ी⤤ि⤕ ⤰ूā¤Ē⤕ ā¤Ēू⤰ा ⤕⤰े।

⤜⤝ ā¤šि⤍्ā¤Ļ। đŸ‡ŽđŸ‡ŗ

⤅ā¤ļो⤕ ⤕ुā¤Žा⤰ ⤏िंā¤š
⤅⤧िā¤ĩ⤕्⤤ा, ā¤šा⤈ ⤕ो⤰्⤟ ⤕⤞⤕⤤्⤤ा

When the Narrative Falls Flat

 

When the Narrative Falls Flat

One can perhaps sense a change in the political atmosphere.

The long faces of what may be described as the “Halla Brigade” are increasingly noticeable. The confidence that once appeared so loud and unquestionable now seems, at least to the observer, to have been replaced by hesitation and uncertainty.

The body language appears subdued.

The rhetoric appears to have lost some of its earlier force.

And the narratives that were repeatedly projected with great confidence are now facing the ultimate test—the test of facts, evidence and public scrutiny.

In politics, slogans can create noise.

Allegations can create headlines.

Repeated assertions can create an impression.

But ultimately, truth has to withstand examination.

If a particular narrative is based upon exaggeration, distortion or what is perceived by its opponents as falsification, then sooner or later the facts themselves become the real test. No amount of repetition can permanently substitute for evidence.

Perhaps that is why the present atmosphere appears different.

What was once presented as an unquestionable political certainty may now require explanation.

What was once loudly proclaimed may now have to answer difficult questions.

And what was intended to create political momentum may, in the eyes of some observers, have fallen flat under the weight of scrutiny.

But there is another interesting principle which may be remembered here—the Third Law of Newton:

“For every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction.”

In public life, this principle may be used metaphorically.

Political actions generate public responses.

Decisions create consequences.

Campaigns produce counter-campaigns.

Assertions invite scrutiny.

And attempts to influence public opinion inevitably encounter the response of an informed electorate.

The people are not merely spectators.

They observe.

They remember.

They compare.

They question.

And, ultimately, they decide.

Therefore, perhaps the political class should listen carefully to the changing mood rather than merely increasing the volume of the rhetoric.

The coming response, whatever form it may take, will be determined not by political noise alone, but by the collective judgment of the people and the facts placed before them.

So, perhaps, the long faces are only the beginning of a much larger political conversation.

The rhetoric has been heard.

The allegations have been made.

The counter-allegations have followed.

Now let the facts speak.

And perhaps, as people wait patiently, the Third Law of Newton is also waiting to make its presence felt in the political arena.

Jai Hind. đŸ‡ŽđŸ‡ŗ

Ashok Kumar Singh
Advocate, High Court Calcutta

The Setting Sun of West Bengal — and Perhaps Its Reappearance

 

The Setting Sun of West Bengal — and Perhaps Its Reappearance

Perhaps, the setting of the Sun of West Bengal began on 7th May, 2012.

That date may be remembered by many not merely as another day in the political calendar, but as a point from which the political, administrative and social landscape of West Bengal began to undergo a significant transformation.

The Sun is often used as a metaphor for power, hope, confidence, progress and public aspiration. When the Sun sets, darkness gradually descends. But sunset is never the end of the story.

The Sun may disappear from the horizon for a time, yet it does not cease to exist.

It rises again.

And perhaps, after a long period of darkness, uncertainty and political turbulence, the Sun of West Bengal is once again becoming visible on the horizon.

The question is not merely about one political party, one individual or one election.

The larger question is about West Bengal itself.

A State with an extraordinary intellectual heritage.

A State which produced great thinkers, reformers, scientists, writers, freedom fighters, jurists, artists and social reformers.

A State which has historically contributed immensely to India's constitutional, cultural and intellectual life.

The people of West Bengal have always possessed the capacity to distinguish between hope and despair, development and stagnation, institutional strength and institutional weakness, and genuine public service and political rhetoric.

The rising Sun therefore represents more than political change.

It represents the possibility of renewed hope.

It represents the aspiration for stronger institutions, greater accountability, better governance, employment opportunities, economic development, social harmony and restoration of confidence among the people.

But the rising of the Sun also brings responsibility.

A new morning cannot merely replace one political arrangement with another. It must bring with it a renewed commitment to constitutional values, democratic institutions, rule of law and equal opportunity.

West Bengal deserves a future in which merit is respected, institutions are strengthened, young people can dream without leaving the State, businesses can grow with confidence, and ordinary citizens can approach public institutions without fear or favour.

If the Sun is indeed appearing again, let it not be merely a political sunrise.

Let it be a sunrise of hope, justice, development, dignity and constitutional governance.

The sunset may have lasted long.

The night may have appeared even longer.

But history teaches us one simple truth:

No night is permanent.

Every sunset carries within it the promise of another sunrise.

And perhaps today, from the horizon of West Bengal, the first rays of that new Sun are once again becoming visible.

Let the people decide what that sunrise should mean for the future of the State.

Jai Hind. đŸ‡ŽđŸ‡ŗ

Ashok Kumar Singh
Advocate, High Court Calcutta

A Reflection on the Collegium System and the Future of Judicial Appointments

 

A Reflection on the Collegium System and the Future of Judicial Appointments

If I am not mistaken, and based on what I have observed so far, I have rarely come across an ordinary citizen or a commoner openly advocating for the continuation of the present Collegium System for the appointment of Judges of the Higher Judiciary.

The debate surrounding the Collegium System is, by and large, conducted within the legal and judicial establishment itself. Existing and former Judges, senior members of the Bar, constitutional experts and other persons closely associated with the judicial system are generally the principal voices in this discussion.

That, by itself, raises an important question:

Should a system concerning the appointment of Judges of the highest constitutional courts remain a subject predominantly debated and defended within the very institutional structure that operates that system?

In my humble view, the question deserves a much wider constitutional and public discussion.

Is the Collegium System capable of creating an institutional cycle?

One concern that arises in my mind is whether the continuation of the Collegium System, in certain circumstances, may contribute to the creation of an institutional cycle in which expectations regarding elevation to the Bench continue from one generation to another.

I do not suggest that every Judge belonging to a particular family background acts in this manner. Nor do I suggest that every second- or third-generation member of a judicial family necessarily possesses any unfair advantage.

However, human institutions are not completely free from social influences.

Where a person grows up in a family in which one parent is a Judge, the child may naturally grow up observing the judicial profession from a very different environment from that experienced by an ordinary member of the public. The family may have greater familiarity with the legal system, judicial functioning, professional networks and the culture surrounding the higher judiciary.

These circumstances may create advantages—whether intended or unintended—which may not necessarily be available to everyone entering the legal profession from an ordinary background.

Over time, such circumstances can also influence aspirations.

When the child subsequently enters the legal profession, the possibility of becoming a Judge may appear not merely as an abstract constitutional responsibility but as an established professional destination within the family environment.

That is where the question of institutional openness and equal opportunity becomes important.

Is there any special DNA for becoming a Judge?

There is certainly no known constitutional, legal or biological principle which suggests that judicial ability is inherited through family lineage.

There is no special “judicial DNA” which automatically determines that the child of a Judge, or the second or third generation of a judicial family, is inherently more suitable to become a Judge.

Judicial excellence should ultimately depend upon qualities such as legal knowledge, intellectual ability, integrity, independence, temperament, constitutional understanding, professional experience, impartiality and commitment to justice.

These qualities can exist in a person irrespective of his or her family background.

Therefore, the central question should not be:

“From which family does the candidate come?”

The question should be:

“What objective process can identify the person most suitable to discharge the constitutional responsibilities of a Judge?”

A comparison with entry into other public institutions

Another issue deserves consideration.

An LL.B. degree provides the necessary academic qualification to enter the legal profession, but possessing an LL.B. degree by itself does not establish that a person is automatically capable of performing every judicial function.

For several public appointments and services, candidates are required to undergo competitive examinations, assessments, interviews, training and other objective processes.

At the entry level of the judiciary also, judicial officers generally enter through prescribed competitive judicial service examinations and selection procedures.

If merit-based competitive selection is considered appropriate for identifying judicial officers at the subordinate level, the constitutional community should also examine whether greater transparency and objective criteria can have a meaningful role in appointments to the Higher Judiciary.

This is not an argument against experience.

Experience is indispensable.

Nor is it an argument that every Judge must be selected through a conventional written examination.

The Higher Judiciary performs constitutional functions of an entirely different nature, and therefore its method of selection necessarily requires a different framework.

But different does not necessarily mean completely insulated from objective and transparent standards.

The need for a wider debate

In my view, the time has come for a serious and dispassionate national conversation about the Collegium System.

The issue should not be treated as a contest between the judiciary and the executive, nor as an attack upon the independence of the judiciary.

Judicial independence is indispensable to democracy and the rule of law.

At the same time, transparency, accountability, equal opportunity and public confidence are equally important components of a constitutional democracy.

The real question, therefore, should be:

How can India preserve the independence of the judiciary while simultaneously ensuring that the process of selecting Judges is transparent, objective, inclusive and capable of inspiring confidence among ordinary citizens?

Perhaps the answer lies in developing a system which combines judicial independence with demonstrable transparency, professional merit with experience, and institutional safeguards with equal opportunity.

A possible reconsideration of the existing arrangement

At the subordinate judicial level, candidates are already required to undergo competitive judicial examinations and prescribed selection processes.

For the High Courts and the Supreme Court, the existing constitutional mechanism involves recommendations rather than a comparable competitive selection process.

Whether the present arrangement is the best possible mechanism is, in my view, a legitimate constitutional question deserving careful reconsideration.

The issue may therefore appropriately be placed before the Hon'ble Supreme Court of India, and, where constitutionally permissible, before the appropriate constitutional forum, for a fresh examination of the principles governing judicial appointments.

The objective should not be to weaken the judiciary.

The objective should be to ensure that the judiciary remains independent, while the pathway to judicial office remains open, transparent and based upon demonstrable merit rather than perception, lineage or institutional familiarity.

The judiciary belongs to the Constitution.

The Constitution belongs to the people.

Therefore, any system governing access to the highest judicial offices should ultimately command the confidence not only of Judges and lawyers, but also of the ordinary citizen.

This is not a criticism of any individual Judge or any particular judicial family.

It is simply a question about institutional design, equal opportunity and the future of the Indian justice system.

The time has perhaps come to ask difficult questions—not with hostility, but with constitutional maturity.

Should the Collegium System continue in its present form, or is there a need to reconsider and reform the mechanism of appointment to the Higher Judiciary?

The debate deserves to be wider, deeper and more transparent.

Jai Hind. đŸ‡ŽđŸ‡ŗ

Ashok Kumar Singh
Advocate, High Court Calcutta